Gender and Forced Migration
The chapter is divided into four sections. The first section focuses on a series of studies that depicts the differences and similarities of men and women in relation to their placement in society as forced migrants. The second part presented here specifies gender mainstreaming and introduces how bottom up approaches may play an important role to shift values on gender and forced migration. Lastly, the final section argues that by expanding gender mainstreaming framework through informal spheres such as religion thus can be a model for change in other institutions advocating for a humanitarian response
Gender and Forced Migration
Forced migration is not merely a process best understood within the context of economy or politics. As defined by Grasmuck and Pessar (1991), it is a socio-cultural process mediated by gendered and kinship ideologies, institutions, and practices. Forced migration is interrelated to gender on the grounds that migration is strongly influenced by gender and family, community relations. These factors, as a result, affect the experiences of men and women forced migrants go through.
Until the mid-1980s, forced migration was regarded as more of an issue that concerns men. Nonetheless, today more forced migrants are women rather than men. Behera (2006,17) added that the rising number of female forced migrants, however, does not put women in an equal rank compared to men in matters of forced displacement.
In fact, many social policy statements and societal social problems discourses today does not equate with women and are similarly partitioned, recently evolving specific, sometimes sharply delimited, sub domains dealing specifically with women (Indra 4). Studies on forced migration are an area of development having many of the worlds inter- and intranationally displaced women, men, and children at least temporarily experience poverty, disempowerment, stigmatization, and marginalization (Indra 3).
There are increased number of scholarship in forced migration indicates that gender difference results different consequences during displacement. Callamard (1999) highlights the gendered and sexual nature of the refugee experience through a review of existing evidence on the discrimination faced by refugee women in terms of access to international assistance, income and physical protection. Refugee women and children bear a disproportional share of the suffering (Marshall 19954) involved in forced displacement. Furthermore, women also face problems of food and services access when men are left in charge of distributing assistance. A situation depicting gender-biased outreach program were known after a UNHCR organized food distribution program in the northern mountain of Iraq (Indra 2006264). The international organization found out about that malnutrition, exploitation, and suffering resulted when little food was going to families headed by women, due to the fact that most of the appointed food distributors were men (Indra 265). These situation is in consonant with Callamard (1999) who underscores the fact that refugee assistance programmes failed to recognize that the forces and mechanisms of subordination, domination and exclusion of refugee women are located in both the productive sphere of the household and the political and power structure of the camp which, in all cases, reinforce and strengthen the patriarchal tendency of the community. (Callamard 1999 p.)
It is understood that much violence and exploitation to women were based on the fact that the migration of women has long been assumed to be for family reasons and to accompany male migrants (Sharpe 4),
Gendered violence among women is a common occurrence such as cases of rape and forced prostitution in refugee camps (Indra 264). Refugee women, in particular, are exposed to continuations and some instance, increased vulnerability in terms of violence, curtailed social, economic, and political rights, and sexual assault (Tastsoglou 247). For example, the living condition in refugee camps is ideally a safe haven that turns into a site of gendered violence (Giles 1999).
In Dabaab, refugee women live in circumscribed insecure camps, where violence and rape reigns. Somali refugee women in Kenya are also faced with multiple betrayals. First, the civil war betrayed them and placed them in a status-less state. Second, the Kenyan government maintains that Somali refugees are aliens in transit thus no extend legal rights were given to them up to the present time (Tastsoglou 246).
On a positive note, Indra states that before becoming refugees, refugee womens experiences in flight and during asylum can lead to empowerment through a process of politicization and self-awareness (Indra, 1999). Salvadoran women in a case study showed the activism and mepowerment paved the way for them to be leaders. The women politicians and articulate office of the national level woemns gorups shared that that they have never become leaders had it not been for the war (Smith Troutner 76). Another case to prove that forced migrants who are women finds empowerment are Sudanese women who shared their epxeriences and suggestions with researchers and the community at large that nehanced awareness of, and respect for, the Sudanese culture and women among non-Sudanese, which in turn enhanced the womens sense of slef and self-esteem (2008 213). The cases mentioned can be considered as a starting point in the bottom up approach in mainstreaming gender wherein empowered forced migrants can voice out their experiences to advocate for gender equality, which is found in the next section.
Gender Mainstreaming
Gender mainstreaming is seen as grounded in feminist theoretical frameworks, and its appeal to femocrats and to gender activist was its promise of transformation (Rao Kelleher 2005, p. 59). The concept of gender mainstreaming is not merely bringing in the interest of women to the level of active participation. It goes beyond women being able to speak their concerns. Thus, the concept of gender mainstreaming is to promote gender equality by bridging the gap at the individual grade and communal level.
It often necessitate a provision of substantial educational input in the form of gender awareness training, geared towards changing established cultural norms of behaviour and securing acceptance of new goals and objective (Leo-Rhynie 26). The process of gender mainstreaming also depends on strategies that requires the participation of the community. Such as the Gender Management System as another example for gender mainstreaming having an ultimate goal of influencing policy found in the top structure in the graph shown. GMS systematically integrates and explicit attention that will lobby the stakeholders, individually or collectively, and work towards gaining their support (Leo-Rhynie 27).
Gender mainstreaming is also defined as a strategy for making women as well as mens concerns and experiences an integral dimension in the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and progammes so that women and men benefit equally (UN Economic and Social Council 1997).
Developmental efforts have been made over the last ten years to better comprehend gender differences, especially on the plight of refugee women. The UN decade of women, the 1985 Nairobi Conference and the 1995 Beijing Conference on Women, highlighted the situation of refugee women as an area of special concern and gave a new impetus to international and local efforts. Yet the incorporation of women within the field of refugee policies and refugee studies has been slow, marginal and contradicted by broader structural constraints. Furthermore, the United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) defined gender mainstreaming in July 1997 as
the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programs, in any area and at all levels. It is a strategy for making the concerns and experiences of women as well as of men an integral part of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic and societal spheres, so that women and men benefit equally, and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal of mainstreaming is to achieve gender equality.
(UN Economic and Social Council 1997)
Carolyn Hannan, Director of the UN Division for the Advancement of Women, enumerated the summary of the basic guidelines of gender mainstreaming are stated as follows adequate accountability mechanisms for monitoring progress need to be established the initial identification of issues and problems across all area(s) of activity should be such that gender differences and disparities can be diagnosed assumptions that issues or problems are neutral from a gender-equality perspective should never be made gender analysis should always be carried out clear political will and allocation of adequate resources for mainstreaming, including additional financial and human resources if necessary, are important for translation of the concept into practice Gender mainstreaming requires that efforts be made to broaden womens equitable participation at all levels of decision-making mainstreaming does not replace the need for targeted, women-specific policies and programmes, and positive legislation nor does it do away with the need for gender units or focal points (Gender Mainstreaming 6).
There are many different definitions of gender mainstreaming as well as considerable variations in practice and approach. Figure 1 was inspired by the peace-building approach by John Paul Lederach with modifications of some key points mentioned in Rao and Kellehers work (Lederach 1997) (Rao Kelleher, 2005).
More often than not, gender mainstreaming is much more inclined on the top-down approach . The top down approach often starts out with a need of leadership with vision of equality, gender equality on agenda inclusive structures to mainstream gender bringing about social change in ideology and culture, and shift informal pressure and unequal power relations. However, the approach on gender mainstreaming can be changed into a bottom-up approach. The call for change can be attained in the bottom-up approach where it starts within indivdual institutions through localized action (Leo-Rhynie 26). The ultimate goal of this approach is to influence policies to advocate gender equality among forced migrants as it relates to a large number of institutions. An appropriate example of the bottom-up approach is an increased awareness of gender issues that may result in a call for an implementation of legislative change.
Women are seen to be at the highest risk due to productive and reproductive responsibilities, their lack of control over resources, restricted mobility, limited education and employment opportunities (Vella 23). A change of setting in society places force migrants as less dominant forces. Consequently, forced migrants are compelled to change from previous roles and to reconstruct to new gender roles brought about a change of setting. These major identities shift can be the source of transforming establishing new gender relations.
The process of shifting gender inequality can be achieved by gender mainstreaming that should reach beyond government institutions to allow participation of all stake holders namely places of worship, and religious organizations, and faith based community groups, who have a strong influence on the opinions, atittudes, and behaviour of persons in small communities (Leo-Rhynie 26). Lastly, the approach of mainstreaming gender can be also achieved be from bottom up and not only top-bottom. The importance of gender mainstreaming in a bottom up approach is that it seeks to produce transformation and practices that benefit women and men equally and, at the same time, engages individual institutions to effect changes at a local level. When the local level effect change on gender equality then it can be recognized as a model for change in other institutions advocating for a humanitarian response.
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