Anthropology

Gender and Migration
    The recognition of liberal states from the west as humanitarian regions has been conceptualized to maintain a broad variety of strategies in western liberal states, from the reception of expatriates to equipped intervention in conflicts within a state. Like in Canada and Australia, including many liberal states from the west, the approval and execution of the 1951 Refugee Convention was warranted as unswerving with and substantiation of the states civilized account. Nevertheless, the question of intercontinental resettlement expresses that the states approval of humanitarianism does not symbolize a reception of a broad-based ethic, to a certain extent a state-centered idea of humanitarianism where the fortification of humanitarianism is considered as the superior good than the defense of persons. By this essence, humanitarianism is reliant on the safeguarding of state autonomy. This is manifested in the dissertation on refugees seeking refugee identity. In some cases, the detection of the state as a humanitarian state has fashioned results likely of humanitarian states, and has been utilized to validate contributing security of refugees. Conversely, certain circumstances show that the humanitarianism of the receiving state has been acknowledged as the entity that necessitates shield, mitigating rebuffing guard to refugees.

Forced migration experiences have an existent gender-related differential impacts (Mahler, 2006). Population movements are gender-neutral however, the reasons for men, women, children, youth and the elderly to transfer may be at variance because of the different experiences they encounter. The probability that the aforementioned sectors move are high because of the present trends in the political and economic sphere of the world. Initiating a gendered trend, then, into the subject of forced migration appears to be just about usual inclination. On the other hand, studies about forced migration provided little concentration to gender despite the fact that the last several decades provide many related literature that show many disciplines in many fields have used certain methodologies that include the theme of gendered-forced migration. Having said that, Grasmuck and Pessar (1991) disputes that migration is not merely a process that is best understood in economic andor political terms it is a socio-cultural process that is mediated by gendered and kinship ideologies, institutions, and practices. There are several bases that can be attributed to the gendered nature of forced migration and the statement asserted by Grasmuck and Pessar reaffirms that the gendered nature of forced migration goes beyond institutional linkages to the personal experiences in the household. Women were usually discriminated on the basis of their capability in performing duties in the workforce and even discriminated on the mere basis of men being more capable. Women were seen as passive players in development unlike men who are always the active stakeholders. In other words, from the domestic sphere to workplace, women experience human rights violations.

    In 1990, Rathgeber outlined some strategies to address gender discrimination linking to its relationship to forced migration, which he regards as a male phenomenon, because forced migration was viewed as a discrimination against men since it usually happened because of the need for strong labor force (Santos, 2008). Since women account to a significant number in the population of people in the whole world, there has been a tremendous need for efforts that will include women in movements as active players rather than as passive players which they have been documented as for a long period of time. Rathgeber mentioned strategies such as the Women in Development (WID), Women and Development (WAD), and Gender and Development (GAD) as approaches that will uplift the status of women in terms of development. The Women in Forced Migration Theory (WIFM) and Gender and Forced Migration Theory (GAFM) were developed at later stages to address forced migration situations, assess their impact on women and gender, and apply this approach to emergency programming (Rathgeber, 1990 p. 489-502). The assertions made by Rathgeber are an alternative view of viewing the gendered nature of displacement experiences. The fact that women have to engage first in a crucial role in organizing themselves is already one proof that, indeed, there is a discrimination that is occurring. Although still bombarded with discriminations and abuses, the role women play has had a massive change in the context of development such that the changes are comparable to earlier development theories. . The Women in Forced Migration Theory (WIFM) provide the idea of being into women refugees requirements in isolation while the Gender and Forced Migration Theory (GAFM) includes the analysis of how social roles are determined by the societies and the manner by which it influences the needs of women refugees.

    The Women In Development (WID) appraoch started the mainstreaming of womens struggle the gendered society in relation to the issue of forced migration. In this movement, women are seen as a passive player in development, but not of equivalent importance to development. This circumstance paved the way for the Women And Development (WAD) approach which is an assertion that women is not just a passive player in the realm of development but an active stakeholder which is of equal fundamentality to men in the aspect of radical changes in the society. The WAD movement is the turning point of the vision that women are, indeed, needed for development although the demarcation and stratification against women still exists. This eventually turned into the more contemporary Gender and Development (GAD) movement which relates that women is as active as men in the field of development, but not the extent that it becomes a battle against them rather a fight side by side with men.

Mainstreaming Gender
    In a study conducted by Callamard (1991), he pushes that the gendered and sexual nature of the refugee experience through a review of existing evidence on the discrimination faced by refugee women in terms of access to international assistance, income and physical protection. It is in this study that he asserts that the patriarchal tendencies of the society has even more been intensified by the failure of refugee assistance programs. These programs have failed to recognize the influence and means of subordination, domination and exclusion of captive women has been affecting the roles these women portray in the productive domain of the household. The political and power structure, therein, magnify patriarchy in the society. In Callamards study, he is mentioning the possibility that if the intercession necessitates testing worldwide obligatory characteristics and systems of conduct, it also entails the restructuring or rebuilding of power in the manner that are hardly ever going to advance the most disadvantaged individuals, whom are primarily women. Likewise, Indra (1999) suggests that before becoming refugees, refugee womens experiences in flight and during asylum can lead to empowerment through a process of politicization and self-awareness.

    Since the failure to address the needs of refugees or forced migrants is already identified, there must be an initiative to combat it. In more recent times, the idea of mainstreaming gender has been developed to promote the welfare of women in equality to the status men have.  Mainstreaming gender is a concept that has started in 1995 in the field of gender analysis and planning. The United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) defined gender mainstreaming in July 1997 as the process of assessing the implications for women and men of any planned action, including legislation, policies or programs, in any area and at all levels. It is a strategy for making the concerns and experiences of women as well as of men an integral part of the design, implementation, monitoring and evaluation of policies and programs in all political, economic and societal spheres, so that women and men benefit equally, and inequality is not perpetuated. The ultimate goal of mainstreaming is to achieve gender equality. Carolyn Hannan, Director of the UN Division for the Advancement of Women, enumerated the summary of the basic principles of gender mainstreaming to be as follows

Adequate accountability mechanisms for monitoring progress need to be established. The initial identification of issues and problems across all area(s) of activity should be such that gender differences and disparities can be diagnosed. Assumptions that issues or problems are neutral from a gender-equality perspective should never be made. Gender analysis should always be carried out. Clear political will and allocation of adequate resources for mainstreaming, including additional financial and human resources if necessary, are important for translation of the concept into practice. Gender mainstreaming requires that efforts be made to broaden womens equitable participation at all levels of decision-making. Mainstreaming does not replace the need for targeted, women-specific policies and programmes, and positive legislation nor does it do away with the need for gender units or focal points.

    The concept of gender mainstreaming is not solely about bringing in the interest of women to the level of participation. It goes beyond women being able to speak their concerns. Gender mainstreaming raises several issues, which have to be addressed as soon as possible. Like the problem of forced migration experienced around the world, women have been at the forefront of report of violation because are found to be prone to violence since they are identified as weaker than men. The concept of gender mainstreaming cuts across the stratification of the sexes and bridges the gap, which can eventually lead to gender equality, the utmost goal of gender mainstreaming.

    In 2005, Rao and Kelleher offered a view about mainstreaming gender by saying that gender mainstreaming is grounded in feminist theoretical frameworks, and its appeal to femocrats and to gender activist was its promise of transformation (p. 57-69). They are asserting that the motive of gender mainstreaming is in a difficult phase because of several arbitrations and hindrances that challenge the solidity of gender mainstreaming.

    A society is a transformative transition with regards to gender roles, ethnic identity, religion and forced migration. Transformation is, superficially, an opinionated and individual course. Institutions edge or improve deprived peoples right to liberty, independence of choice, and act. Without a decisive indulgence if how institutions require changing to permit dissimilar social orders to protect their prerogatives and admissive chances for socio-economic mobility, progressive goals cannot be materialized. Furthermore, Batliwala (2006) offers that feminist thinking about empowerment directly engages with resources, power, ideology, and institutions  which implies a symbiotic relationship between power and ideology, which gains expression and perpetuation through structures of all kinds- judicial, economic, social, and political. Empowerment in this framework therefore means a transformation in power relations. Specifically it means control over resources (Physical, human, intellectual, intangible) control over ideology (beliefs, values, attitudes) and changes in the intuitions and structures that support unequal power relations.

Society
This model was inspired by the peace-building approach (peace and conflict resolution studies) with modifications of  some of the key points mentioned by Arunas work. Principally, this graph translates and introduces to gender mainstreaming as a top-down, bottom-up approach. More often than not, gender mainstreaming is much more inclined on the necessity of leadership with vision, gender equality on agenda designed especially to the structures in mainstreaming gender, which brings social change, and modifications in idelogy and culture, with emphasis on unequal power relations. Informal pressure including religious beliefs and identities to  faith bound community  people affected by forced migration is, then, regarded as the external force that will pave the way for the efforts of the refugees to materialize. For one, the constant prayerfulness of some women in refugee camps in Israel will be put into effort of trying to provide solutions, after an informal group, which promotes peace, convinced them that prayers will only be answered after they organize themselves thus, there is a need for community organizing in this part of the process.

Religion and Forced Migration
The role of religion on forced migrants is another important consideration to understand the gendered nature of refugee community. Gozdziak and Shandy (2002) states the relationship between religious persecution and refugee is central to definition of a refugee, has been long considered of importance as a root cause of fight, and should be of equal importance in protection of refugees. Further, they assert that when religion is considered in studies of refugees, it most often receives attention for its role in conflict setting and the politicization of religious identity.  The study about the spirituality of people in captivity is another theme becoming popular as it includes the manner by which the role of religion helps people to cope with trauma. The significance of spiritual viewpoints in managing with conversion broadens further than the migrant site to amalgamation into a realm of settlement. Religion functions in convincing, opposing and conflicting conducts while it influences the familiarities of expatriates, helping as a spring of toughness as it both aids and obstructs the combination process. For example, Ruth Krulfelds study shows that change occurs even in those area of religion, in which ideology expressed symbolically tends to verify traditional gender roles. these areas are commonly thought of as repositories for the traditional rules and values of the society (Krulfeld, 1994 Crapo, 1993 Keyes, 1984).

Politics play a very crucial role in determining the part played by religion in the changes experienced by gender because of forced migration. The roles played differ because some countries serve as the melting pot of cultures when people from different nations go into one place to immerse. The shared experiences these people have translate to having a new breed of culture.  Ruether (1990) further asserts that in some cultures women are often denied both the knowledge and the practical skills required to initiate rituals. In fact most human religions, from tribal to dominant religions, have treated womens body, in its gender-specific sexual functions, as impure and polluted and this to be distanced from sacred and rites domination by males. . However, religion can also play as an area of for change and source of potential power for women, as they manipulate and negotiate gender identities in refugee culture. Krufelds case study demonstrated that Lao women can create important new roles in refugee communities due to displacement experiences where nun was able to negotiate new religious role and overcoming conservative practices and develop and reformulate new gender role.

Religious and gender dimensions of identities of forced migrants play important roles. Adapting in new setting in societies such as where they are less dominant locations forces them to change from previous roles and reconstruct to new gender roles. These major identities can be the source of transforming establishing new gender relations. Religion, for example, has to include in its teachings the virtue of equity and the aversion of discrimination against anyone. The value they will be inculcation to the people will result in a tremendous paradigm shift that will give women and children the value they rightfully deserve. Gender is not one-sided game, but an equal road for all parties involved. Holistic standpoint represents anthropologists to an investigation of a variety of communal and civilizing phenomena such as spiritual sacraments that mutually have a brunt on and are influenced by migration, especially because religion help the refugees seek comfort and sanctuary with the believe that God will provide serenity and safety to them as they go through the challenging phases of detention.

Gender, forced migration and religion are connective elements that can serve as basis for analysis. In 2002, Weinberg conceives that there is a difference between the attitude of men and women inside the camp of migrants. Men imagine escaping from prison through whatever means and even spend their time by playing games like chess and by talking about politics. On the other hand, women performed religious rituals to help them cope with their experiences inside the camp. The secure affiliations between central devout values and religious foundations with their related ceremonies and practices show that the dissimilarity between these is frequently unnoticed.  Refugee womens situation inside societies is synchronized by spiritual institution at the family and community levels. Conventions, which are often rationalized on religious bases, guarantee refugee womens compliance to conservative gender roles which can be the source of incapacity and twinge. Specifically, notions of fatalism which are integral to many religions, from Hinduism to Orthodox Christianity can offer comfort and to the powerless and an explanation for suffering, while at the same time constrain women and men from seeking change (Weinberg, 2002).  Equality benefits not only a specific gender but all to create more arenas for change, and source of potential power for women as they manipulate and negotiate gender identities in refugee culture.